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Sample translations submitted: 3
Arabic to English: Shares Sale Agreement General field: Law/Patents Detailed field: Law: Contract(s)
Source text - Arabic عقد بيع حصص
انه في يوم ... ... الموافق / /2011م، تحرر هذا العقد بين كل من:
أولا: ... ... (طرف أول "بائع")
ثانيا: ... ... (طرف ثان "مشتر")
تمهيد
بموجب شهادة تأسيس رقم ....... بتاريخ / / 20م تاسست شركة ...."ش.ٍذ.م.م" وفقا لأحكام القانون رقم 159 لسنة 1981 ولائحته التنفيذية وبموجب عقد مصدق على توقيعاته رقم ............ لسنة ... ... مكتب توثيق الاستثمار وذلك بغرض ........ وقيدت الشركة بالسجل التجاري تحت رقم .......... بتاريخ / / 20 م واتخذت الشركة مركزا رئيسيا لها ...............
وحيث أن الطرف الأول هو شريك ويملك نسبة ........% من رأسمال هذه الشركة تعادل ...... جنيه مصري.
وحيث إن الطرف الأول قد أبدى رغبته في تبع جميع الحصص المملوكة له في الشركة المذكورة.
وحيث إن هذه الرغبة قد لاقت قبولا لدى الطرف الثاني. فقد اتفق الطرفان على ما يلي:
أولا: يعتبر التمهيد السابق وعقد الشركة جزءا لا يتجزأ من هذا العقد ومتمنا له.
ثانيا: يبيع الطرف الأول بموجب هذا العقد وبكافة الضمانات الفعلية والقانونية إلى الطرف الثاني القابل لذلك حصته المملوكة له في شركة ............. بكل ما لها من حقوق وما عليها من التزامات سواء تقررت هذه الحقوق أو تلك الالتزامات بموجب القانون أو عقد الشركة. ثالثا: يقر الطرف الأول ويضمن للطرف الثاني بأن الخصص المبيعة بموجب هذا العقد مملوكة للطرف الأول ملكية خالصة وكاملة في تاريخ التوقيع على هذا العقد ويقر أيضا بأنها غير محملة للغير بأي حق من الحقوق شخصية كانت أو عينية أيا كان سببها أو نوعها أو طبيعتها.
رابعا: يوافق الطرف الأول على إصدار أي موافقات أو إقرارات تطلبها أية جهة رسمية أو حكومية لنقل ملكية هذه الحصص إلى الطرف الثاني.
خامسنا: تم هذا البيع وقبل من الطرفين مقابل مبلغ للحصص المبيعة سددت إلى الطرف الأول عند التوقيع على هذا العقد ويقر الطرف الأول بأن توقيعه على هذا العقد بمثابة مخالصة نهائية وباتة عن كامل الثمن المدفوع والمذكور بعاليه
سادسا: يقر الطرف الثاني ببراءة ذمة الطرف الأول من كافة المديونات أو الالتزامات الخاصة بالشركة من رسوم وضرائب بكافة أنواعها اعتبارا من تاريخ توقيع هذا العقد. ويقر الطرف الثاني بصفته بالتزامه بسداد كافة ما قد يترتب على هذا المبيع من التزامات.
سابعا: أصبح الطرف الثاني بموجب هذا العقد شريكا في شركة ........... ويكون له نفس سلطات واختصاصات وحقوق والتزامات الطرف الأول من تاريخ توقيع هذا العقدز
ثامنا: كل نزاع ينشأ عن هذا العقد يختص بنظره والفصل فيه محاكم ........... ويتم الفصل فيه طبقا لأحكام القانون المصري.
تاسعا: أتعاب تحرير هذا العقد وكذلك مصاريف ورسوم وأتعاب العقد النهائي يتحملها المشتري وحده وكذلك ما قد يستجد من مصاريف تكميلية، وبما ذكر تحرر هذا العقد من ثلاث نسخ بید كل طرف نسخة للعمل بموجبها عند اللزوم، أما النسخة الثالثة فيتم إيداعها ضمن مستندات الشركة.
طرف أول (بائع) طرف ثان (مشتر)
Translation - English Shares Sale Agreement
It is on ......... corresponding to …/…/2011 AD, that this order was drawn up between each of the following:
First: ................................. (First party "seller")
Second: ................................. (Second party "emptor")
preamble
Pursuant to Certificate of Incorporation No. ....... dated …/…/20 AD, the company “****” was established in accordance with the provisions of Act No. 159 of 1981 and the executive regulations it comprises, and under an order No. ...... for the year ...... the signatures on which are certified by the Investment Industry Documentation Office, for the purpose of ........, filed thus the company into the Commercial Register under No. ....... on / / 20 AD and the company took Its corporate headquarter (HQ) ………. .
Given that the first party is a partner who owns …...... % of the company’s capital, equivalent to ...... Egyptian Pounds.
Whereas, the first party has exposed their willingness to sell all the shares they own in the mentioned company.
And since this wish has been received willingly by the second party. The two parties have thus agreed on the following:
First: The previous preamble and the company’s order are considered an integral part of this document and complemental to.
Second: The first party hereby is selling, in accordance with this order and all actual and legal guarantees, to the second party, acceptingly, his share in the company ............. with all the rights and obligations on; whether these rights or those obligations are determined in conference to the law or company contract.
Third: The first party declares and vouches to the second party that the property sold under this order is of the first party’s full and exclusive ownership, on the execution date of this order, and also declares that it does not entitle others with any right, personal it is or real, regardless of the its account, category or nature.
Fourth: The first party agrees to issue any present ratifications or declarations, required by any official or governmental authority, as a mean of transferring the ownership of these shares to the second party.
Fifth: This sale was executed and favorably accepted by both parties for an amount of ……………….., for the disposed-for-sale shares, provided to the first party upon the execution of this order, and the first party declares that their signature on this contract is a final and irrevocable clearance for the entire price paid and mentioned above.
Sixth: The second party hereby claims the waiver of the first party from all debts or obligations of the company; including the fees and taxes of all kinds, from the earlier effective date of this order. The second party, in his capacity, claims their willingness to pay all that might result from this sale of obligations.
Seventh: The second party has, according to this order, become a partner in the company .............. and has the same authorities, jurisdictions, rights and obligations of the first party from the earlier effective date of this order.
Eighth: Every dispute arising from this order shall be considered by the courts of ……..…. And decided on in accordance with the provisions of the Egyptian law.
Ninth: The fees for issuing this order as well as the expenses and of the final order fees shall be borne by the buyer alone, as for any additional charges that may arise, and as mentioned, this order has been released in three copies, each party has a copy to act upon when necessary, and the third is to be deposited within the company’s documents.
First Party (Seller) Second Party (Buyer)
Arabic to English: المؤلَّف: السياسة والدين في المغرب – جدلية السلطان والفرقان المؤلِّف: حسن أوريد General field: Social Sciences Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - Arabic السياسة والدين في المغرب
كاد أن يلقى حتفه مرة في الحدود مع أفغانستان، إذ ألقت طائرة مروحية سوفيتية قنابل صوبه مع صحب كانوا يرافقونه. وقد نجوا من الموت بأعجوبة. كان يلتهم مجلة الجهاد التي كانت تساهم في التأطير الأيديولوجي والتهيئة السيكولوجية للمتطوعين.
بعد تجربة أفغانستان سافر الفتى إلى الولايات المتحدة في عطلة، وقد سبق له أن زار قبلها كلاً من فرنسا وإسبانيا وهولندا. بعد أن حصل على شهادة البكالوريا، تسجل في كلية العلوم بشعبة الفيزياء والكيمياء. بعد سنة أذى العمرة،
وخلالها اكتشف جامعة المدينة وهي قلعة الفكر الوهابي. وهكذا غير مساره الدراسي فتسجل فيها. تعرف فيها إلى أقطاب الوهابية من ابن باز والعثيمنين وحضر دروس الألباني. نعم، كانت سلفية هؤلاء مسالمة، ولكن القنوات ما بين الوهابية والفكر الجهادي لم تكن منفصلة. أقدم على خطوة حين قدم فروض الولاء لربيع المدخلي الذي كان اتجاهه مسيطراً في الجامعة، وكان شبيهاً بمحاكم التفتيش يجري رقابة شديدة على طاقم الجامعة بأجمعه، خلال فروعه وشبكاته في شعب الجامعة بل خارجها. كانت لهجته حادة، ولم يكن يتورع في نبذ من تحوم الشبهات حوله. كان له امتداد بالمغرب من خلال الاتجاه الذي يرعاه محمد المغراوي، ممثل اتجاه سلفي مهادن، مع قاعدة اجتماعية عريضة،
أقامها من خلال برامج ظاهرها تربوي هي دور القرآن. تخلص الفتى من إسار الاتجاه المدخلي ليرتمي ف أحضان الفكر الجهادي. رسب في الامتحان من اجل استكمال دراسته العليا بالنظر إلى الشبهات التي كانت تحوم حوله من قبل الاتجاه المدخلي. عاد إلى المغرب وبدأ تجربة جديدة كإمام في مسجد صغير بحي العنق بالدار البيضاء. كانت أصداء سلبية قد سبقته بثَّها اتجاه المغراوي المرتبط بالمدخلي، وكذا من السلفية الراديكالية التي كان يمثلها الفزازي. لم يكن هذا الأخير ليرتاح لهذا الشاب الذي كان يبدو له مهادنا. أصبح المسجد قبلة للجهاديين حيث كان يؤم الفتى أبو حفص ابن واحد من «العرب الأفغان». كان يبحث عن قاعدة، مثلما قال في شهادته، ولذلك كان يجاري الاتجاه العام السائد في المسجد والمتعاطف مع السلفية الجهادية.
كان يأبى أن يكفر أي أحد أو أن ينادي بالعنف مثلما يقول. تقارير الأمن كانت تقول عكس ذلك، ونقلت خطاباً نارياً في خطبة له. ولسوف تتم محاكمته من خلال خطبة بثها في فاس سنة 2002. كان الفتى يشكو من مشكل هوية، ولئن كان هناك زيغ، فمرده الاتجاه العام وهيمنة الـفـكـر الـجـهـادي آنذاك. يعطي من خلال هذه الشهادة، نماذج للأدبيات الجهادية التي أخذت تغزو المغرب من لندن. فشت مفاهيم جديدة، قد ترتبط بتاريخ الإسلام، ولكنها غريبة عن المشهد السياسي المغربي، من قبيل الطاغوت للتدليل على الاستبداد، والمُرجئة، بالإحالة لاتجاه برز في فجر الإسلام لا يكفر تارك الصلاة ويعتبر الإيمان شأناً شخصياً.
وبتعبير آخر، للتدليل على أصحاب الإسلام الثقافي ممن يعتبرون خارجين عن الملة، شأنهم شأن الجهمية التي تقول بخلق القرآن، وتقع فيما يمكن أن يسمى بهرطقة (أو البدعة). ما يتوجب أن نشير إليه هو أن مدلول «كافر، في أدبيات السلفية الجهادية، ليس من لا يؤمن بالله، في مقابل المؤمن، أو المسلم، الذي يؤمن بالله وبرسوله، كلا، فالكافر هو من يَقْعد عن الجهاد.
Translation - English Politics and religion in Morocco
He almost met his end once at the borders with Afghanistan, when a Soviet helicopter dropped bombs over him, together with associates in his accompany. That they barely escaped death. He used to ingest on Al-Jihad magazine, as it was of contribution to the ideological framing and psychological preparations of the volunteers.
Following the Afghanistan experience, the fellow traveled to United States on leave, as he had once before been to France, Spain and the Netherlands. Soon after he obtained his baccalaureate degree, he had enrolled at the Faculty of Science for a degree in Physics and Chemistry. A year later he went for Umrah1, and through which he found about the University of Medina, as being the fortress of Wahhabi2 doctrine. He then switched his course of study and signed up in it. Where he managed to meet the pioneers of Wahhabism including Ibn Baz and the Uthaymeen and to attend classes of Al-Albani. Indeed, the Salafism of these was decent. Yet, the connections between Wahhabism and the Jihadist3 strain was never wasted. Whereas he made headway as he acknowledged the duties of allegiance to Rabee Al-Madkhali, whose creed was of dominance on-campus. He was analogous to the Inquisition, tightly controlling the university staff as a whole, by means of his adherents and networks across divisions of studies in the university, and even beyond. His diction was shrewd, and he had never wavered in condemning those casting suspicions on him. He used to have the limelight in Morocco by way of the view shepherded by Muhammad Al-Maghraoui; a representative of a peaceable Salafi4 movement, with a large base of adherents.
All of which he managed to assemble through programs – that appears to be only educational – of the so-called Dur al-Qur’an5. The fellow broke loose of Madkhali6 strain’s restraints to take a shine to Jihadist doctrine. He failed the test for the sake of pursuing his postgraduate degree, as for the suspicions hovering around him in the eye of the Madkhali strain. He returned to Morocco to begin a new experience as an imam at a small mosque in the El Anq district, Casablanca. Unfavorable resonances had predated his arrival, disseminated by the movement of Maghrawi associated with Al-Madkhali, as well as by the radical Salafism that Al-Fazzazi used to represent. The latter would not had held relief about this young man, who gave him the impression of being as composed. The mosque had become a destination for jihadists as the young Abu Hafs, the son to one of the “Afghan Arabs,” used to lead the prayers. He was seeking a base of adherents, as stated in his testimony, that he was keeping pace with the major strain disseminated in the mosque and endorsing to Salafi-jihadi7.
He used to deny the Takfeer8 of anyone or the promoting of violence, as he states. Local authorities’ reports had verified otherwise, incorporating a fiery speech in a sermon of his. that he will be taken for trial for a sermon he performed in Fez, the year 2002. The fellow endured an issue of identity, and if it was a state of disarray, then it is in the wake of a more major strain and the propagation of jihadist doctrine at that point. By means of this testimony, he was submitting patterns of jihadist ethics which had come to invade on Morocco, springing from London. New concepts have emerged, that might be pertaining to the history of Islam, yet uncommon they are to the Moroccan political view. Namely in particular the use of ‘Taghut’9 to indicate ‘tyranny’, and ‘Murji’ah’10 to denote a movement emerged at the dawn of Islam; that does not denounce the negligent of prayer as Kafir8, to thus considering faith a personal matter.
That is to say, in demonstrating the holders of a more instructive/moderate Islam, of those viewed as deserters of the creed. Allied to the ‘Jahmiyyah’11 who proclaim the Qur’an to be a mere fiction, which fall into what might be categorized as heresy (or apostasy). What we ought to note is that, the meaning of ‘Kafir’, in the ethics of jihadist Salafism, is not someone who does not believe in Allah, as opposed to a believer, or a Muslim; who believes in God and his prophets. No, rather the kafir is the one who refrains from jihad.
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1-Umrah: /ʕumraɦ/: 'to visit a populated place’ or the minor pilgrimage; is an Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca (the holiest city for Muslims, located in the Hejazi region of Saudi Arabia) that can be undertaken at any time of the year, in contrast to the Ḥajj (/hædʒ/;"pilgrimage"), as the major pilgrimage, with specific procedures and dates on the Islamic lunar calendar.
2-wahhabi /waɦɦabi/: as the relative adjective from Wahhabism; is a Sunni revivalist and fundamentalist movement associated with the Hanbali reformist doctrines of the Arabian scholar Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. It has been variously described as "orthodox", "puritan"; and as an Islamic "reform movement" to restore "pure monotheistic worship" by devotees.
3-Jihadist /ӡiɦadist/: a term adopted, first by journalists, in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks of 2001, and has been ever since applied to various insurgent Islamic extremist, militant Islamist, and terrorist individuals and organizations whose ideologies are based on the Islamic notion of jihad and Jihadism /ӡiɦadizm/.
4-Salafi /salafi/: or Salafist; is the movement of Salafiyyah and Salafism, as a reform branch within Sunni Islam. A term referring to advocating a return to the traditions of the "pious predecessors" (salaf); the first three generations of Muslims that are believed to exemplify the pure form of Islam.
5-Dur al-Qur’an /duru l’qur’an/, Dar al-Qur’an (Singular): Civil society organisations established and dedicated to the teaching and study of Quran. Where classes in Quranic recitation and Islamic spirituality and sciences are usually provided.
6-Madkhali /madxali/: from Madkhalism; is a strain of Islamist thought as part of the larger Salafist movement based on the writings of Rabee al-Madkhali. Arab states have generally favored Madkhalism due to its support for secular forms of government as opposed to other strains of Salafism.
7-Salafi-Jihadi: of or relating to Salafi jihadism or jihadist-Salafism; is a transnational, hybrid religious-political ideology based on the Sunni sect of Islamism, seeking to establish a global caliphate, characterized by the advocacy for "physical" jihadist and Salafist concepts of returning to what adherents believe to be the "true Islam".
8-Takfir or takfeer /takfi:r/: the word takfir was first introduced in the post-Quranic period and was first done by the Khawarij, which denotes an excommunication of one Muslim by another from Islam, and accusing them of being an apostate. That in a radical view, a Kafir; in the Islamic tradition, refers to a person who disbelieves in God as per Islam, or denies his authority, or rejects the tenets of Islam.
9- Taghut /Taɣut/ ( pl. ṭawagheet): represented as the tendency to go beyond the measure or designating a height or summit from taghiya /Taɣija/; and in a more precise context is an Islamic terminology denoting a focus of worship to an ‘entity’ other than God.
10- Murji'ah /murji’a(h)/: broadly is a reference to the person or people who tend to postpone and delay their duties. In a context relating to Islam, also known as Murji'as or Murji'ites, were an early Islamic sect, that held the opinion that God alone has the right to judge whether or not a Muslim has become an apostate.
10-Jahmi (pl. Jahmiyyah): is a pejorative term first used by a number early Islamic scholars as reference to the followers of Jahm ibn Safwan; who argued that the Qur’aan is a mere human creation and who openly proclaimed negation of the names of Allaah.
French to English: l'Algérie et le Sahara marocain
Source text - French l'Algérie et le Sahara marocain.
À ce niveau le droit et le fait sont complètement séparés; le jugement de valeur devant en être banni par principe; attitude bien difficile pour celui qui présuppose l'évidence de ses droits.
Toutefois il existe des opinions publiques exprimées, façonnées, influencées par les moyens d'information. La position diplomatique d'un pays peut se renforcer considérablement si elle paraît coïncider avec les valeurs sur lesquelles se fonde telle ou telle opinion publique, comme elle s'affaiblit si elle heurte celle-ci de front. En général le « statut publicitaire » d'un pays reflète sa position diplomatique, malgré les apparences contraires ; il est faux de croire que l'opinion décide de l'issue d'une crise internationale, même quand elle paraît peser d'un grand poids comme pendant la guerre du Vietnam, bien qu'il reste vrai que lorsqu'un Etat bénéficie à un moment donné d'une cote de popularité auprès de telle ou telle opinion, il économise du temps et de l'argent.
La crise autour du Sahara marocain, depuis l'été 1974 jusqu'à maintenant, peut être analysée selon les perspectives indiquées : historico-juridique, géopolitique, diplomatique, publicitaire, politique... soit d'un point de vue engagé, celui de la position marocaine, soit d'un point de vue, plus détaché où les thèses de tous les protagonistes sont également prises en considération.
Les articles réunis ici, écrits pour la plupart sous le coup de l'évènement et en portant la marque, puisqu'ils répondaient à des textes qui faisaient flèche de tout bois pour discréditer la thèse marocaine, ne peuvent pas tenir lieu de l'étude globale qui vient d'être esquissée. Les remarques méthodologiques que je me suis permis de rappeler n'avaient qu'un seul but, fournir un cadre logique pour la présentation de ces textes.
I.Les deux premiers articles résument les aspects historiques et juridiques de la revendication marocaine.
PRÉFACE
Lorsqu’en juillet 1974 le Gouvernement du Maroc créa un événement international en remettant sur le tapis la question du «Sahara espagnol», les journalistes, tels qu'ils conçoivent aujourd'hui leur métier, se bornèrent à prendre note des réactions des différentes parties au conflit, à suivre les développements de l'affaire, en soulignant le cas échéant l'habileté tactique de tel protagoniste, l'hésitation ou les faux pas de tel autre.
Les gens curieux, ou plus directement concernés, se de mandèrent: pourquoi cette crise ? Le Maroc, pays revendi quant la souveraineté sur le territoire saharien, présenta ses titres; ses adversaires et la communauté internationale les dis cutèrent âprement. Dans cette affaire la tâche de l'historien était d'établir que des liens d'allégeance et de souveraineté liaient le Maroc et le Sahara à différentes périodes du passé ; celle du juriste était de prouver la pérennité de ces droits, eu égard au système juridique actuellement en vigueur.
Ceci fait, il faut toujours retourner au domaine de la « géo politique »; chacun sait en effet qu'un droit, même prouvé et confirmé, peut rester longtemps bafoué s'il ne s'appuye pas sur une force qui l'actualise. En l'occurrence, le rapport des forces devait s'évaluer dans le cadre maghrébin, plus exactement par une comparaison entre les capacités dans tous les domaines de l'Algérie et du Maroc, puis, par la crise en considération des diplomatiques, finir par englober la terre entière avancée que celle des autres pays maghrébins. Cependant, les dirigeants algériens en avaient profité pour présenter leur régime comme l'idéal auquel rêvaient les peuples de la région, ce qui était faux. Il fallait donc rétablir la vérité en analysant objectivement la politique extérieure et les réformes économico sociales de l'Algérie dans leur contexte réel, sans nier pour cela que le dernier mot en la matière revient de droit aux opposants algériens, et sans ériger en système le dénigrement de l'activité du gouvernement actuel du pays voisin.
Ne sont pas traités dans ces articles les aspects suivants du problème :
- La situation militaire et par conséquent les possibilités de développement de la crise ; - Les conséquences politiques internes découlant du fait que le Sahara est devenu la priorité nationale du Maroc ;
- Les problèmes que pose naturellement la réintégration à un ensemble structuré de populations qui en ont été séparées depuis longtemps ;
- L'avenir de la région à la suite d'une crise qui fut un révélateur pour les gouvernements et les peuples.
Ces points ne peuvent pas être à l'heure actuelle analysés d'une manière méthodique pour la simple raison que, l'information indispensable faisant défaut, tout jugement peut être aisément taxé de légèreté sinon de malveillance.
J'ai estimé cependant devoir cerner les possibilités d'évolution selon les hypothèses probables : celle que désirent et pour laquelle travaillent tous les Marocains et celle qu'envisagent nos adversaires et que nous devons faire échouer. Quelle soit la validité des considérations contenues dans la postface, il est indéniable que l'action du Maroc pour
II.Les articles 3, 4, 5 critiquent implicitement la thèse algérienne qui, à un certain moment, coïncidait avec celle de l'Espagne et de certains milieux de l'ONU. L'idée essentielle est de souligner que cette thèse vise à donner abusivement une consécration morale et juridique à ce qui n'est en fait qu'une vision étroîte de la géopolitique par les dirigeants actuels de l'Algérie.
III.Les articles 6, 7, 8, 9 ont pour but de dévoiler les sophismes de la propagande algérienne, repris par une partie de la gauche occidentale et arabe. Il ne s'agit pas tant de montrer que le succès de cette propagande provient d'une méconnaissance parfois ahurissante de la réalité du problème que de souligner les dangers d'un zèle idéologique qui va jusqu'à refuser d'appréhender les faits les plus évidents, l'imposture consistant à juger l'Algérie sur ses intentions et le Maroc sur ses actions, ou inactions, unilatéralement interprétées. Certes, c'est là un défaut intimement lié à l'esprit même de l'utopie révolutionnaire, mais il se montre là sous sa forme la plus caricaturale, et donc la plus meurtrière.
À la relecture, ces quatre textes pêchent par un excès de « moralisme » en présupposant que les supporters de l'Algérie sont de bonne foi ; une critique plus élaborée doit aller plus loin et s'attaquer aux problèmes ardus des rapports entre lutte anti-impérialiste et nationalisme. Les circonstances ne s'y prêtaient pas au moment où furent écrits ces textes.
IV. Les articles 10 et 11 visent à dévoiler les contradictions entre l'idéologie et la réalité dans le déroulement de l'expérience algérienne elle-même. Le silence de la gauche marocaine sur les aspects critiquables ou négatifs de la politique dirigeants algériens avait préparé le terrain au succès de leur propagande. Ce silence se justifiait par un souci de non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures des autres,
Translation - English Algeria and The Moroccan Sahara.
At this given level, law and realization are entirely detached; value
judgment is doomed banned by principle; an attitude marked by
difficulty for one who presupposes the demonstration of their rights.
Nevertheless, public opinions have existed, been expressed, shaped,
and influenced by the media. A country's diplomatic ranking can be
considerably elevated if it appears to be corresponding with the values
on which a particular public opinion is based, just as it could drop if it
falls into clash with that on the forefront. For the most part, a country's “propagandistic status” reflects its diplomatic ranking, despite the contradictory outwards; it is not wise to believe that public opinion determines the terminations of an international crisis, even when it appears to be as impactful as during the Vietnam War, yet it remains truthful that when a state makes use of a given occasion of a popularity rating on certain opinion, it saves time and money.
The crisis over the Moroccan Sahara, since the summer of 1974 thus
far, can be reviewed from the perspectives suggested: historical-legal,
geopolitical, diplomatic, propagandistic, political and so on, either from
a committed view point, that of the Moroccan position, or from a more
composite view point where the arguments of all the protagonists are
correspondingly taken into consideration.
The articles assembled here, written mostly under the influence of the
event for which the mark, for they have come as response to texts
putting all wood behind the arrow to discredit the Moroccan argument,
cannot replace the global survey recently sketched. The methodological remarks I granted myself permission to recall had only one purpose, providing a logical framework for the showcase of these texts.
I. The very first two articles recapitulate the historical and legal
aspects of the Moroccan claim.
PREFACE
Once in July 1974 the Government of Morocco created an international
event by cracking wide open the question of "Spanish Sahara", the
journalists, as they nowadays conceive their profession, have limited
their interventions to observing the reactions of various sides in the
conflict, to keep track of the affair’s advancements, while underlining, if applicable, the tactical proficiency of one protagonist, the uncertainties or missteps of another.
Individuals with curiosity, or more straight to hold concerns, have
questioned each other: for what this crisis? Morocco, a country
claiming sovereignty over Saharan territory, exposing its titles; its
adversaries that the international community has sharply contended
them over. In this matter, the historian’s mere task was to establish
that tie of allegiance and sovereignty linking Morocco and the Sahara to different intervals in the past; that of the legal expert was to
substantiate the durability of these rights, given the judicial system
currently in effect.
If that is the case, we are then in a constant urge to return to the
domain of "geopolitics"; everybody knows that a right, even proven and confirmed, may fall subject of disregard for as long if it is not based on a force responsible for its renovation. In which instance, the balance of power had to be assessed within the Maghreb framework, more precisely by comparing the capacities in the entire departments of each of Algeria and Morocco, then and thus, by the crisis in view of the diplomats, to resolve in particular by bounding the entire territory
advanced than those of the other Maghreb countries. However, the
Algerian leaders had seized the opportunity to present their regime as
ideal as in the dreams of the peoples of the region, which was unwise
of them. That it came of necessary to reestablish the truth through an
objective analysis of Algeria's foreign policy and economic and social
reforms all in their actual background, without renouncing that in the
latter the matter pertains de jure to Algerian opponents, and without
establishing by means of a procedure the denigration of the current
governments’ activity of the neighboring countries.
The aspects of the case left untreated in these articles are as follow: - The military situation and accordingly the likelihood of the crisis
development; - The internal political implications emerging from the
fact that the Sahara has become Morocco's national priority;
- The inevitably issues of reintegration into a structured set of
citizenries which have been for so long separated from it; - The forthcomings for the region ensuing a crisis which was
Enlightening for governments and citizenries along.
The aforementioned matters cannot forthwith be analyzed in a
methodical manner for the simple reason that, since the fundamentals
are missing, any conclusion can easily be denounced of feebleness if
not of maliciousness.
Be that as it may, I felt a necessity to identify the opportunities for
development, in accordance with all potential hypotheses: the one
mostly desired which all Moroccans seek, and the one envisioned by
our opponents which we are ought to scuttle. At all valid considerations encompassed in the postscript, it is undeniable that Morocco's action for
II. Articles 3, 4, 5 is a tacit critique of the Algerian claim which, at
a point in time, coincided with that of Spain and certain
contexts of the United Nations. The core notion to draw is in
underlining that this thesis’ aim is to unsuitably charge with
moral and judicial consecration what is in the actual a narrow
vision of geopolitics, only, held by the pesent leaders of Algeria.
III. Articles 6, 7, 8, 9 aim at unveiling the fallacies in Algerian
propaganda, considered by a part of the Western and Arab left
spectrum. The emphasis here is not that much on
demonstrating how success of this propaganda stems from
mere unawareness, and sometimes incomprehensibility, of the
issue’s actuality as of emphasizing the threats behind an
ideological zeal, that even goes so far as denying the
comprehension of the most critical facts, the imposture
consisting in estimating Algeria on its intentions and Morocco
on its actions, or inactions, unilaterally interpreted. Admittedly,
this is a defect thoroughly associated with the sole spirit of revolutionary utopia, but it demonstrates itself over in its most
caricatural form, and thus the most murderous.
While reconsidering, these four texts erred upon the sides of "moralism" by presupposing that the adherents of Algeria are as faithful; a more elaborate critique must extend further to tackle the arduous issues of the relationship between the anti-imperialist strain and nationalism. Circumstances of which were withdrawn when these texts were written.
IV. Articles 10 and 11 have the aim of revealing the contradictions
between what is ideological and actual in the unfolding of the
Algerian experience per se. The muteness of the Moroccan left
spectrum regarding the criticism or ill aspects in the policy
exercised by Algerian leaders had drawn up the ground for
success of their propaganda. This muteness was given the
justification in the interest for non-interference in the internal
affairs of others,
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Master's degree - Moulay Ismail University, School of Arts and Humanities, Meknes Morocco 50000
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Keywords: Berber, Arabic, English, social sciences, media, law, human rights, international relations, philosophy, religion. See more.Berber, Arabic, English, social sciences, media, law, human rights, international relations, philosophy, religion, literature, . See less.
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